•H-49 

C5-4- 


18 


THE 


EVILS    OF    SLAVERY, 


CURE  OF  SLAVERY. 


THE    FIRST    PROVED     BY     THE     OPINIONS     OF     SOUTHERNERS 
THEMSELVES, 


THE   LAST    SHOWN   BY   HISTORICAL   EVIDENCE. 


BY    MRS.  VCHILD, 

1  of1  Jin  Appeal  in  favor  of  that  etas*  ~of  'Americans  called  African*,*  « Anti- 
Slavery  Catechism,'  «  Frugal  Housewife,'  '  History  of  the  Condition  of 
Women,'1  «  The  Oasis,'  Walker's  Book,'  #c.,  #c. 


Let  us  not  betake  ourselves  to  the  common  arts  and  stratagems  of  nations ; 
U  fear  God,  and  put  away  the  evil  which  offends  him  :  and  trust  not  in  man, 
•*  in  the  living  God  j  and  it  shall  go  well  for  England William  Penn. 


Eli  f  tf  on. 


NEWBURYPORT: 

PUBLISHED   BY  CHARLES  WHIPPLE. 
1839. 


SENTIMENTS  EXPRESSED  BY  THE  SOUTHERNERS 
THEMSELVES  ON  THE  SUBJECT  OF  SLAVERY. 


"  Now  Naaman  was  a  great  man,  and  honorable  j  he  was  also  a  mighty  man 
in  valor ;  but  he  was  a  leper."— %  Kings,  chap.  5. 

Sentiments  of  Patrick  Henry. 

t(  Is  it  not  amazing,  that  at  a  time  when  the  rites  of 
humanity  are  defined  with  precision,  in  a  country  above 
all  others  fond  of  liberty,  that  in  such  an  age,  and  in 
such  a  country,  we  find  men  professing  a  religion  the 
most  humane  and  gentle,  adopting  a  principle  as  repug 
nant  to  humanity,  as  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  Bible,  and 
destructive  to  liberty?  Believe  me,  I  shall  honor  the  Qua 
kers  for  their  noble  efforts  to  abolish  slavery.  Every 
thinking,  honest  man,  rejects  it  in  speculation;  yet  how 
few  in  practice,  from  conscientious  motives.  Would  any 
man  believe  that  I  am  master  of  slaves  of  my  own  pur 
chase;  I  am  drawn  along  by  the  general  inconvenience 
of  living  without  them.  I  will  not,  I  cannot  justify  it. 
However  culpable  my  conduct,  I  will  so  far  pay  my  devoir 
to  virtue,  as  to  own  the  excellence  and  rectitude  of  her 
precepts,  and  to  lament  my  own  want  of  conformity  to 
them." — Letter  of  Patrick  Henry  of  Virginia,  to  Robert 
Pleasants,  of  the  Society  of  Friends. 


Sentiments  of  Jefferson. 

"  The  whole  commerce  between  master  and  slave  is  a 
perpetual  exercise  of  the  most  boisterous  passions,  the 
most  unremitting  despotism  on  one  part,  and  degrading 


M147798 


submission  on  the  other.  Our  children  see  this  and  learn 
to  imitate  it.  The  parent  storms,  the  child  looks  on, 
catches  the  lineaments  of  wrath,  puts  on  the  same  airs 
in  the  circle  of  smaller  slaves,  gives  loose  to  the  worst 
of  passions,  and  thus  nursed,  educated,  and  exercised  in 
tyranny,  cannot  but  be  stamped  by  it  with  odious  pecu 
liarities.  With  what  execration  should  the  statesman  be 
loaded,  who,  permitting  one  half  of  the  citizens  to  tram 
ple  on  the  rights  of  the  other,  transforms  those  into  des 
pots,  and  those  into  enemies;  destroys  the  morals  of  one 
part,  and  the  amor  patriot  of  the  other. 

"And  can  fhe  liberties  of  the  nation  be  thought  secure, 
when  we  have  refused  the  only  firm  basis,  a  conviction  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  that  these  liberties  are  the  gift 
of  God?  That  they  are  not  to  be  violated  but  with  hig 
wrath?  Indeed,  I  tremble  for  my  country,  when  I  rec 
ollect  that  God  is  just;  that  his  justice  cannot  sleep  for 
ever;  that, considering  numbers, nature  and  natural  means 
only,  a  revolution  in  the  wheel  of  fortune,  an  exchange  of 
situation  is  among  possible  events;  that  it  may  become 
probable  by  a  supernatural  interference.  The  Almighty 
has  no  attribute  which  can  take  side  with  us  in  such  a 
contest." — Jefferson's  Notes  on  Virginia,  published  1782. 


In  a  letter,  dated  Monticello,  1814,  Mr.  Jefferson  writes 
thus  in  his  old  age. 

"Dear  Sir — Your  favor  of  July  31  was  duly  received, 
and  read  with  pleasure.  The  sentiments  breathed  through 
the  whole  do  honor  both  to  the  head  and  heart  of  the 
writer.  Mine  on  the  subject  of  the  slavery  of  the  negroes 
have  long  since  been  in  the  possession  of  the  public;  and 
time  has  only  served  to  give  them  stronger  root.  Yet 
the  hour  of  emancipation  is  advancing  in  the  march  of 
time.  It  will  come;  and  whether  brought  on  by  the  gen 
erous  energy  of  our  own  minds,  or  by  the  bloody  process 
of  St.  Domingo,  excited  and  conducted  by  the  power  of 
our  present  enemy,*  if  once  stationed  permanently  with- 

*  It  will  be  recollected,  that  we  were  then  engaged  in  war. 


5 

i 

in  our  country,  and  offering  an  asylum  and  alms  to  the 
oppressed,  is  a  leaf  of  our  history  not  yet  turned  over. 

"I  am  sensible  of  the  partialities  with  which  you  have 
looked  towards  me,  as  the  person  who  should  undertake 
this  salutary  but  arduous  work.  But  this,  my  dear  sir, 
is  like  bidding  old  Priam  buckle  on  the  armor  of  Hector, 
'  trementibns  cmo  humeri  et  inutile ,  ferrum  cingi.'  No, 
I  have  overlived  the  generation  with  which  mutual  labors 
begat  mutual  confidence  and  influence.  This  enterprise 
is  for  the  young;  for  those  who  can  follow  it  up,  and  bear 
it  through  to  its  consummation.  It  shall  have  my  prayers, 
and  these  are  the  only  weapons  of  an  old  man." 


Sentiments  of  Governor  Randolph. 

"The  deplorable  error  of  our  ancestors  in  copying  a 
civil  institution  from  savage  Africa,  has  affixed  upon  their 
posterity  a  depressing  burden,  which  nothing  but  the  ex 
traordinary  benefits  conferred  by  our  happy  climate, 
could  have  enabled  us  to  support.  \Ve  have  been  far 
outstripped  by  States,  to  whom  nature  has  been  Jar  less 
bountiful.  It  is  painful  to  consider  what  might  have 
been,  under  other  circumstances,  the  amount  of  general 
wealth  in  Virginia,  or  the  whole  sum  of  comfortable  sub 
sistence  and  happiness  possessed  by  all  her  inhabitants." 
—  Governor  Randolph's  Jlddress  to  the  Legislature  of  Vir 
ginia,  in  1820. 


Sentiments  of  John  Randolph. 

"Virginia  is  so  impoverished  by  the  system  of  slavery, 
that  the  tables  will  sooner  or  later  be  turned,  and  the 
slaves  will  advertise  for  runaway  masters." — John  Ran 
dolph,  of  Roanoke. 


Sentiments  of  Mr.  Read. 

"  Slavery  is  an  unnatural  state,  a  dark  cloud,  which 
obscures  half  the  lustre  of  our  1'ree  institutions.     1  would 
1* 


6 

hail  that  day  as  the  most  glorious  in  its  dawning,  which 
would  behold,  with  safety  to  themselves  and  our  citizens, 
the  black  population  of  the  United  States  placed  upon 
the  high  eminence  of  equal  rights." — Mr.  Read,  of  Geor 
gia,  in  the  debate  on  the  Missouri  question. 


Sentiments  of  Governor  Giles. 

Free  blacks,  when  convicted  of  certain  crimes,  are 
sold  as  slaves.  Governor  Giles,  in  his  Address  to  the  Leg 
islature  of  Virginia,  in  1327,  alluding  to  this  custom,  says: 
"Slavery  must  be  admitted  to  be  a  punishment  of  the 
highest  order;  and,  according  to  every  just  rule  for  the 
apportionment  of  punishment  to  crimes,  it  would  seem 
that  it  ought  to  be  applied  only  to  crimes  of  the  highest  order. 
It  seems  but  an  act  of  justice  to  this  unfortunate,  de 
graded  class  of  persons,  to  state  that  the  number  of 
convicts  among  free  colored  persons,  compared  with  the 
white  population,  is  extremely  small;  and  would  serve  to 
show,  that  even  this  description  of  our  population  is  less 
demoralized  than  is  generally  supposed." 


Sentiments  of  Amos  Weaver. 

"What!  are  thousands  of  our  fellow-creatures  within 
eur  State,  destitute  of  every  real  protection  afforded  them 
by  law,  either  in  their  persons  or  property — without  any 
law  to  guard  their  marriage  rights,  or  without  the  law's 
having  any  knowledge  of  marriage  among  them, — for 
such  is  the  fact  with  regard  to  the  whole  slave  population 
among  us, — many  of  them  under  the  control  of  cruel  and 
relentless  masters,  from  whom  they  receive  much  inhu 
man  abuse — and  yet  are  we  told  that  all  this  needs  no 
legislative  interference?  Monstrous,  indeed,  is  the  doc 
trine!  But  on  this  subject,  we  appeal  to  the  virtue  and 
good  sense  of  our  countrymen." — Oration  by  Jlmos 
Weaver,  of  Guilford  County,  North  Carolina,  delivered  in 
1829. 


Sentiments  of  B.  Swain. 

"Is  it  nothing  to  us,  that  seventeen  hundred  thousand 
of  the  people  of  our  country  are  doomed  illegally  to.  the 
most  abject  and  vile  slavery  that  was  ever  tolerated  on 
the  face  of  the  earth?  Are  Carolinians  deaf  to  the  pierc 
ing  cries  of  humanity?  Are  they  insensible  to  the 
demands  of  justice?  Let  any  man  of  spirit  and  feeling, 
for  a  moment  cast  his  thoughts  over  the  land  of  slavery 
— think  of  the  nakedness  of  some,  the  hungry  yearnings 
of  others,  the  flowing  tears  and  heaving  sighs  of  parting 
relations,  the  waitings  of  lamentation  and  wo,  the  bloody 
cut  of  the  keen  lash,  and  the  frightful  scream  that  rends 
the  very  skies, — and  all  this  to  gratify  ambition,  lust, 
pride,  avarice,  vanity,  and  other  depraved  feelings  of 
the  human  heart.  TW  long  has  our  country  been  un 
fortunately  lulled  to  sleep,  feeding  on  the  golden  dreams 
of  superficial  politicians,  fanciful  poets,  and  anniversary 
orations.  The  worst  is  not  generally  known.  Were  all 
the  miseries,  the  horrors  of  slavery,  to  burst  at  once  into 
view,  a  peal  of  sevenfold  thunder  could  scarce  strike 
greater  alarm.  We  cannot  yet  believe  the  condition  of 
our  country  so  desperate,  as  to  forbid  the  judicious  ap 
plication  of  proper  remedies." — Address  of  B.  Swain,  of 
North  Carolina,  in  1830. 


Sentiments  of  Henry  Clay. 

"In  our  attempt  to  adopt  gradual  emancipation  in, 
Kentucky,  we  were  overpowered  by  numbers,  and  sub 
mitted  to  the  decision  of  the  majority,  with  the  grace 
which  the  minority  in  a  republic  should  ever  yield  to  such 
a  decision.  But  I  have  never  ceased,  and  never  shall 
cease  to  regret  a  decision,  the  effects  of  which  have  been 
to  place  us  in  the  rear  of  our  neighbors,  who  are  exempt 
from  slavery,  in  the  state  of  agriculture,  the  progress  of 
manufactures,  the  advance  of  improvement,  and  the  gen 
eral  prosperity  of  society." — Htnry  Clay,  of  Kentucky. 


8 

Sentiments  of  Mr.  Faulkner. 

"  Slavery,  it  is  admitted,  is  an  evil.  It  is  an  institution 
which  presses  heavily  against  the  best  interests  of  the 
State.  It  banishes  free  white  labor — it  exterminates  the 
mechanic — the  artisan — the  manufacturer.  It  converts 
the  energy  of  a  community  into  indolence — its  power  into 
imbecility — its  efficiency  into  weakness.  Being  thus  in 
jurious,  have  we  not  a  right  to  demand  its  extermination? 
Shall  society  suffer  that  the  slaveholder  may  continue  to 
gather  his  vigintial  crop  of  human  flesh?  What  is  his 
mere  pecuniary  claim,  compared  with  the  great  interests 
of  the  common  weal?  Must  the  country  languish  and  die 
that  the  slave-holder  may  flourish?  Shall  all  interests 
be  subservient  to  one?  Have  not  the  middle  classes  their 
rights — rights  incompatible  with  the  existence  of  slavery  ? 
If  there  be  one  who  concurs  with  the  gentleman  from 
Brunswick,  in  considering  the  character  of  this  institution 
harmless,  let  me  request  him  to  compare  the  condition  of 
the  slave-holding  portion  of  this  commonwealth — barren, 
desolate,  and  seared  as  it  were  by  the  avenging  hand  of 
Heaven — with  the  description  which  we  have  of  this  same 
country  from  those  who  first  broke  its  virgin  soil.  To 
what  is  this  change  ascribable?  Alone  to  the  withering 
and  blasting  effects  of  slavery.  To  that  vice,  in  the  or 
ganization  of  society , by  which  one  half  its  inhabitants  are 
arrayed  in  interest  and  feeling  against  the  other  half — to 
that  condition  of  things,  in  which  half  a  million  of  your 
population  can  feel  no  sympathy  with  society,  in  the  pros 
perity  of  which  they  are  forbidden  to  participate,  and  no 
rattachment  to  a  government  at  whose  hands  they  receive 
nothing  but  injustice." — Mr.  Faulkner's  Speech  in  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,  1832. 


Sentiments  of  Mr.  Wirt. 

Mr.  Wirl,  of  Virginia,  said  that  "slavery  was  contrary 
•to  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nations;  and  that  the  law  of 
South  Carolina  concerning  seizing  colored  seamen  wag 
unconstitutional."  In  his  life  of  Patrick  Henry,  speaking 
of  the  different  classes  in  Virginia,  he  says,  "last  and 
ilowest,  a /ecu/Mm  of  beings  called  overseers — the  most 


abject,  degraded,-  unprincipled  race — always  whip  in 
hand  to  the  dons  who  employ  them,  and  furnishing  ma 
terials  for  their  pride,  insolence,  and  love  of  dominion." 


Sentiments  of  Mr.  'Brodnax. 

"That  slavery  in  Virginia  is  an  evil, and  a  transcendent 
evil,  it  would  be  more  than  idle  for  any  human  being  to 
doubt  or  deny.  It  is  a  mildew,  which  has  blighted  every 
region  it  has  touched,  from  the  creation  of  the  world. 
Illustrations  from  the  history  of  other  countries  and  other 
times  might  be  instructive;  but  we  have  evidence  nearer 
at  hand,  in  the  short  histories  of  the  different  States  of 
this  great  confederacy,  which  are  impressive  in  their  ad 
monitions,  and  conclusive  in  their  character. "-Speech  of 
Mr.  Brodnax,  in  the  Virginia  Legislature,  1832 


Sentiments  of  Mr.  Summers. 

"Sir,  the  evils  of  this  system  cannot  be  enumerated. 
It  were  unnecessary  to  attempt  it.  They  glare  upon  us 
at  every  step.  When  the  owner  looks  to  his  wasted  estate , 
he  knows  and  feels  them.  When  the  statesman  examines 
the  condition  of  his  country, and  finds  her  moral  influence 
gone,  her  physical  strength  diminished,  her  political 
power  waning,  he  sees  and  must  confess  them.  Will 
gentlemen  inform  us  when  this  subject  will  become  less 
delicate — when  it  will  be  attended  with  fewer  difficulties 
than  at  present — and  at  what  period  we  shall  be  better 
enabled  to  meet  them?  Shall  we  be  more  adequate  to  the 
end  proposed,  after  the  resources  of  the  State  have  been 
yet  longer  paralyzed  by  the  withering,  desolating  in 
fluence  of  our  present  system?  Sir,  every  year's  delay 
but  augments  the  difficulties  of  this  great  business,  and 
weakens  our  ability  to  compass  it.  Like  silly  children, 
we  endeavor  to  postpone  the  work,  which  we  know  must 
be  performed." — Speech  of  Mr.  Summers,  inthe  Legisla 
ture  of  Virginia,  1832. 


10 


Sentiments  of  Thomas  Clay. 

:t  The  present  economy  of  the  slave  system  is  to  get  all 
you  can  from  the  slave,  and  give  in  return  as  little  as  will 
barely  support  him  in  a  working  condition.  Even  where 
there  is  not  a  direct  intention  to  abridge  his  comforts, 
they  are  but  little  consulted;  and  seeing  his  master  wholly 
engrossed  by  his  own  advantage,  the  slave  naturally 
pursues  the  same  selfish  course,  and  when  not  restrained 
by  higher  principle,  becomes  deceitful  and  thievish. 
The  master  takes  no  pains  to  conceal  that  he  takes  it  for 
granted  the  negro  will  steal  and  lie?  and  when  the  slave 
is  tempted  to  either,  he  feels  that  he  has  no  character  to 
lose." — Thomas  Claifs  Address  before  the  Presbytery  of 
Georgia. 


Sentiments  of  Z.  Kingsley. 

This  writer  informs  his  readers  that  he  settled  on  a  plan 
tation  in  Florida,  wilh  about  jifty  negroes,  many  of  whom 
he  brought  from  the  coast  of  Africa  himself.  He  is  one 
who  luants  to  regulate  the  evil — not  abolish  it. 

"As  far  as  regards  the  free  colored  people  of  the 
south,  the  laws  are  dictated  in  a  spirit  of  intolerant  prej 
udice,  and  irresponsible  autocracy,  holding  out  to  people 
they  nickname  free,  no  reward  or  premium  whatever 
for  being  virtuous;  nothing  to  stimulate  to  industry,  or 
the  acquisition  of  a  good  name,  learning,  or  refinement; 
no  kind  of  protection  either  for  person  or  property.  Even 
their  punishments  must  be  corporeal — not  excepting  the 
most  delicate  female,  whom  industry  and  virtue  alone 
would  place  at  the  head  of  society  in  any  other  country. 
Liberty  is  merely  nominal,  without  any  constitutional  pro 
tection.  They  may  be  sold  to  pay  partial,  exorbitant, 
and  tyrannical  taxes,  or  fines,  all  which  are  uncon 
stitutional.  Oppression  is  carried  to  its  greatest  extreme, 
when  a  mother,  of  most  unexceptionable  moral  character, 
going  out  of  her  native  State  on  account  of  ill  health,  is 
inexorably  punished  by  perpetual  banishment  from  hus 
band,  children,  friends,  country,  and  all  that  is  dear  to 


11 

her.*     As  for  our  laws  to  regulate  slaves,  they  are  all 
founded  upon  terror." 


Sentiments  of  President  Monroe. 

"We  have  found  that  this  evil  has  preyed  upon  the 
very  vitals  of  the  Union;  and  has  been  prejudicial  to  all 
the  States  in  which  it  has  existed." — James  Monroe  before 
the  Virginia  Convention. 


Sentiments  of  Washington. 

General  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  John  Sinclairt 
speaks  of  the  prices  of  land  in  Virginia,  and  particularly 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Vernon.  The  land  there 
is  described  as  exhausted  and  miserable — plantations  not 
worth  more  than  four  or  five  dollars  an  acre,  including, 
buildings.  He  then  alludes  to  the  prices  of  land  in  Penn 
sylvania  and  the  free  States,  which  averaged  more  than 
twice  as  much;  I  think  he  stated  it  at  sixteen  dollars  per 
acre.  He  assigns  as  reasons  for  this  mighty  difference, 
first,  that  foreign  emigrants  are  more  inclined  to  settle  in 
the  free  States.  The  second  reason  I  transcribe  in  his 
own  words: 

"  Because  there  are  in  Pennsylvania, laws  for  the  grad 
ual  abolition  of  slavery,  which  neither  Maryland  nor 
Virginia  have  at  present;  but  which  nothing  is  more^ 
certain  than  that  they  must  have, and  at  a  period  not 
remote." 


Sentiments  of  Mr.  Custis,  of  Virginia. 

"Sir, — The  prosperity  and  aggrandizement  of  a  State, 
is  to  be  seen  in  its  increase  of  inhabitants, and  consequent 
progress  in  industry  and  wealth.  Of  the  vast  tide  ofemi- 

*  Free  colored  people,  if  they  go  out  of  the  State,  for  any  reasoa 
whatsoever,  are  never  allowed  to  return,  lest  they  should  bring  back 
opinions  that  would  make  the  slaves  uneasy. 


12 

gration,  which  now  rushes,  like  a  cataract,  to  the  West, 
not  even  a  trickling  rill  wends  its  way  to  the  ancient  do 
minion.  Of  the  multitude  of  foreigners, who  daily  seek 
an  asylum  and  home  in  the  empire  of  liberty,  how  many 
turn  their  steps  to  the  region  of  the  slave?  None.  No, 
.not  one.  There  is  a  malaria  in  the  atmosphere  of  those 
regions,  which  the  now  comer  shuns,  as  being  deleterious 
to  his  views  and  habits.  See  the  wide  spreading  ruin 
which  the  avarice  of  our  ancestral  government*  has 
produced  in  the  south,  as  witnessed  in  a  sparse  population 
of  freemen,  deserted  habitations,  and  fields  without  cul 
ture.  "Strange  to  tell,  even  the  wolf,  which,  driven  back 
long  since  by  the  approach  of  man,  now  returns,  after 
the  lapse  of  a  hundred  years,  to  howl  over  the  desolations 
of  slavery." 

*  Those  who  senk  to  get  rid  of  the  shame  of  slavery,  by  throwing 
the  blame  on  our  English  ancestors,  ought  to  remember,  that  when  this 
government  was  formed,  the  Southern  States  insisted  that  no  restriction 
should  be  put  on  the  importation  of  slaves  for  twenty  years  to  come! 


HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE 

CONCERNING  THE  EFFECTS  OF  IMMEDIATE  EMANCIPATION. 


"  Elisha  said  unto  Naaman,  Go  and  wash  in  Jordan  seven  times,  and  thy  flesh 
shnll  come  again  to  thee,  and  thou  shall  be  clean. 

But  Naaman  was  wroth,  and  he  turned  and  went  away  in  a  rage. 

And  his  servants  said,  My  father,  if  the  prophet  had  bid  thee  do  some  great 
thing,  wouldst  thou  not  have  done  it?  How  much  rather,  then,  when  he  saith 
to  thee,  Wash  and  be  clean  ? 

Then  he  went  down,  and  dipped  himself  seven  times  in  Jordan,  according  to 
the  saying  of  the  man  of  God  :  and  his  flesh  came  again  like  unto  the  flesh  of  a 
little  child,  and  he  was  clean." — 2  KINGS,  chap.  5. 

WHEN  the  question  of  immediate  abolition  was  first 
started  in  England,  the  friends  of  slavery  vociferated 
nothing  more  loudly,  than  the  danger  of  universal  insur 
rection  and  bloodshed;  and  nothing  took  stronger  hold 
of  the  sympathies  and  conscientious  fears  of  the  people, 
than  these  repeated  assertions.  This  is  precisely  the 
state  of  things  in  our  own  country,  at  the  present  time. 
We  all  know  that  it  is  not  according  to  human  nature  for 
men  to  turn  upon  their  benefactors,  and  do  violence,  at 
the  very  moment  they  receive  what  they  have  long  de 
sired;  but  we  are  so  repeatedly  told,  the  slaves  will 
murder  their  masters,  if  they  give  them  freedom,  that  we 
can  hardly  help  believing  that,  in  this  peculiar  case,  the 
laws  of  human  nature  must  be  reversed.  Let  us  try  to 
divest  ourselves  of  the  fierce  excitement  now  abroad  in 
the  community,  and  calmly  inquire  what  is  the  testimony 
of  history  on  this  important  subject. 

In  June,  1793,  a  civil  war  occurred  between  the  aris 
tocrats  and  republicans  of  St.  Domingo ;  and  the  planters 
called  in  the  aid  of  Great  Britain.  The  opposing  party 
proclaimed  freedom  to  all  slaves,  and  armed  them  against 
the  British.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  St.  Domingo  was  in  consequence  of  insur- 
2 


14 

rections  among  the  slaves;  but  this  is  not  true.  It  was 
entirely  a  measure  of  political  expediency.  Arid  what 
were  the  consequences  of  this  sudden  and  universal 
emancipation?  Whoever  will  take  the  pains  to  search 
the  histories  of  that  island,  will  find  the  whole  colored 
population  remained  faithful  to  the  republican  party 
which  had  given  them  freedom.  The  British  were  de 
feated,  and  obliged  to  evacuate  the  island.  The  sea 
being  at  that  time  full  of  British  cruisers,  the  French 
had  no  time  to  attend  to  St.  Domingo,  and  the  colonists 
were  left  to  govern  themselves.  And  what  was  the  con 
duct  of  the  emancipated  slaves,  under  these  circum 
stances?  About  600,000  slaves  had  instantaneously 
ceased  to  be  property,  and  were  invested  with  the  rights 
of  men;  yet  there  was  a  decrease  of  crime,  and  everything 
went  on  quietly  and  prosperously.  Col.  Malenfant,  who 
resided  on  the  island,  says,  in  his  historical  memoir: 
"  After  this  public  act  of  emancipation,  the  negroes  re 
mained  quiet  both  in  the  south  and  west,  and  they  con 
tinued  to  work  upon  all  the  plantations:  Even  upon 
those  estates  which  had  been  abandoned  by  owners  and 
managers,  the  negroes  continued  their  labor  where 
there  were  any  agents  to  guide;  and  where  no  white 
men  were  left  to  direct  them,  they  betook  themselves  to 
planting  provisions.  The  colony  was  flourishing.  The 
whites  lived  happy  and  in  peace  upon  their  estates,  and 
the  negroes  continued  to  work  for  them." 

General  Lacroix,  in  his  memoirs,  speaking  of  the 
same  period,  says:  "The  colony  marched  as  by  en 
chantment  towards  its  ancient  splendor;  cultivation 
prospered;  every  day  produced  perceptible  proofs  of  its 
progress." 

This  prosperous  state  of  things  lasted  about  eight 
years;  and  would  probably  have  continued  to  this  day, 
had  not  Buonaparte,  at  the  instigation  of  the  old  aris 
tocratic  French  planters,  sent  an  army  to  deprive  the 
blacks  of  the  freedom  which  they  had  used  so  well.  It 
was  the  attempts  to  restore  slavery,  that  produced 
all  the  bloody  horrors  of  St.  Domingo.  Emancipation 
produced  the  most  blessed  effects. 

In  June,  1794,  Victor  Hugo,  a  French  republican 
general,  retook  the  island  of  Guadaloupe  from  the  British, 
and  immediately  proclaimed  freedom  to  all  the  slaves. 


15 

They  were  85,000  in  number,  and  the  whites  only  13,000. 
JV*o  disasters  whatever  occurred  in  consequence  of  this 
step.  Seven  years  after,  the  supreme  council  of  Guad 
eloupe,  in  an  official  document,  alluding  to  the  tran 
quillity  that  reigned  throughout  the  island,  observed: 
"  We  shall  have  the  satisfaction  of  giving  an  example 
which  will  prove  that  all  classes  of  people  may  live  in 
perfect  harmony  with  each  other,  under  an  administration 
which  secures  justice  to  all  classes."  In  1802,  Buon 
aparte  again  reduced  this  island  to  slavery,  at  the  cost 
of  about  20,000  negro  lives. 

On  the  10th  of  October,  1811,  the  congress  of  Chili 
decreed  that  every  child  born  after  that  day  should  be 
free. 

In  1821,  the  congress  of  Colombia  emancipated  all 
slaves  who  had  borne  arms  in  favor  of  the  republic;  and 
provided  for  the  emancipation  in  eighteen  years  of  the 
whole  slave  population,  amounting  to  900,000. 

In  September,  1829,  the  government  of  Mexico  grant 
ed  immediate  and  unqualified  freedom  to  every  slave. 
In  all  these  cases,  not  one  instance  of  insurrection  or  blood 
shed  has  ever  been  heard  of,  as  the  result  of  emancipation. 

In  July,  1823,  30,000  Hottentots  in  Cape  Colony,  were 
emancipated  from  their  long  and  cruel  bondage,  and 
admitted  by  law  to  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
white  colonists.  Outrages  were  predicted,  as  the  inevita 
ble  consequence  of  freeing  human  creatures  so  com 
pletely  brutalized  as  the  poor  Hottentots;  but  all  went  on 
peaceably;  and  as  a  gentleman  facetiously  remarked, 
*'  Hottentots  as  they  were,  they  worked  better  for  Mr. 
Cash,  than  they  had  ever  done  for  Mr.  Lash." 

In  the  South  African  Commercial  Advertiser  of  Feb 
ruary,  1831,  it  is  stated:  "  Three  thousand  prize  negroes 
have  received  their  freedom;  four  hundred  in  one  day; 
but  not  the  least  difficulty  or  disaster  occurred.  Ser 
vants  found  masttrs — masters  hired  servants — all  gained 
homes,  and  at  night  scarcely  an  idler  was  to  be  seen. — To 
state  that  sudden  emancipation  would  create  disorder 
and  distress  to  those  you  mean  to  serve,  is  not  reason,  but 
the  plea  of  all  men  adverse  to  abolition." 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1834,  the  government  of  Great 
Britain  emancipated  the  slaves  in  all  her  colonies,of  which 
she  had  twenty;  seventeen  in  the  West  Indies,  and 


16 

three  in  the  East  Indies.  The  measure  was  not  carried 
in  a  manner  completely  satisfactory  to  the  English  abo 
litionists.  Historical  evidence,  and  their  own  knowledge 
of  human  nature,  led  them  to  the  conclusion  that  imme 
diate  and  unqualified  emancipation  was  the  safest  for 
the  master,  as  well  as  the  most  just  towards  the  slave. 
But  the  West  India  planters  talked  so  loudly  of  the  dan 
gers  of  such  a  step,  and  of  the  necessity  of  time  to  fit 
the  slaves  for  freedom,  that  the  government  resolved  to 
conciliate  them  by  a  sort  of  compromise.  The  slaves  were 
to  continue  to  work  six  years  longer  without  wages,  un 
der  the  name  of  apprentices;  but  during  this  period,  they 
could  be  punished  only  by  the  express  orders  of  magis 
trates. 

The  legislatures  of  the  several  colonies  had  a  right  to 
dispense  with  the  system  of  aprenticeship;  but  Antigua 
and  Bermuda  were  the  only  ones  that  adopted  immediate 
and  unconditional  emancipation. 

Public  proclamation  of  freedom  was  made  on  the  first 
of  August,  and  wasevery  where  received  in  joy  and  peace. 
Mr.  Cobbett,  a  missionary  stationed  at  Montego  Bay, 
Jamaica,  writes  thus:  "  The  first  of  August  was  a  memo 
rable  day!  Our  preaching  place  was  crowded  at  an 
early  hour.  At  the  close  of  the  services,  I  read  the 
address  of  his  excellency  the  governor  to  the  negro  pop 
ulation,  made  several  remarks  in  reference  to  the  change 
of  their  condition,  and  exhorted  them  to  be  obedient  to 
their  masters  and  to  the  powers  that  be.  There  was  in 
every  countenance  an  expression  of  satisfaction,  and  of 
gratitude  to  God  and  their  benefactors.  The  conduct 
ofthe  negroes  during  this  eventful  period  has  been  such 
as  will  raise  them,  I  should  think,  in  the  eyes  of  all  their 
friends." 

Mr.  Wedlock,  of  the  same  place,  writes  thus  on  the 
13th  of  August:  "The  first  day  of  August,  a  day  to  which 
the  attention  ofthe  wise,  the  good,  and  the  philanthropic, 
of  other  countries  besides  our  own,  was  directed,  has 
arrived  and  passed  by  in  the  most  peaceful  and  harmonious 
manner.  Such  congregations,  such  attention,  such  joys 
and  grateful  feelings  as  are  depicted  in  every  countenance, 
I  never  beheld! — Up  to  this  time,  peace  and  harmony 
prevail." 

The  marquis  of   Sligo,  governor  of  Jamaica,  in  his 


17 

speech  to  the  assembly,  after  five  months'  trial  of  eman 
cipation,  declares;  "  Not  the  slightest  idea  of  any  inter 
ruption  of  tranquillity  exists  in  any  quarter;  and  those 
preparations  which  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  make,  might, 
without  the  slightest  danger,  have  been  dispensed  with." 
In  a  recent  address  to  the  assembly,  he  states  that  the 
crops  this  year  (1335),  will  fall  short  only  about  one  six 
teenth;  and  that  this  slight  difference  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  unfavorableness  of  the  season. 

The  enemies  of  abolition  predicted  that  the  crops  in 
Jamaica  would  perish  for  want  of  being  gathered;  be 
cause  the  negroes  could  not  possibly  be  induced  to 
work  an  hour  longer  than  the  law  or  the  whip  compelled 
them.  But  as  soon  as  the  planters  offered  them  wages  for 
working  extra  hours,  more  work  was  offered  than  the 
planters  were  willing  to  pay  for.  Even  the  low  price  of 
a  penny  an  hour,  operated  like  magic  upon  them,  and 
inspired  them  to  diligence! 

The  numerical  superiority  of  the  negroes  in  the  West 
Indies  is  great.  In  Jamaica  there  were  331,000  slaves, 
and  only  37,000  whites.  By  the  clumsy  apprenticeship 
system,  the  old  stimulus  of  the  whip  was  taken  away, 
while  the  new  and  better  stimulus  of  wages  was  not  ap 
plied.  The  negroes  were  aware  that  if  they  worked  well 
they  should  not  be  paid  for  it,  and  that  if  they  worked  ill 
they  could  not  be  flogged,  as  they  had  formerly  been. 
Yet  even  under  these  disadvantageous  circumstances, 
no  difficulties  occurred  except  in  three  of  the  islands; 
and  even  there  the  difficulties  were  slight  and  temporary. 
Let  us  inquire  candidly  how  these  troubles  originated. 
The  act  of  parliament  provided,  that  the  apprentice  should 
work  for  his  master  forty  and  a  half  hours  per  week,  and 
have  the  remainder  of  the  time  for  his  own  benefit;  but 
it  did  not  provide  that  while  they  were  apprentices  (and 
of  course  worked  without  wages)  they  should  enjoy  all 
the  privileges  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed  while 
slaves.  The  planters  availed  themselves  of  this  circum 
stance  to  put  obstructions  in  the  way  of  abolition;  with 
the  hope  likewise  of  coercing  the  apprentices  to  form 
individual  contracts  to  work  fifty  hours  in  the  week,  in 
stead  of  forty  and  a  half.  While  the  people  had  been 
slaves,  they  had  always  been  allowed  cooks  to  prepare 
their  meals;  nurses  to  take  care  of  the  little  children; 
2* 


18 

and  a  person  to  bring  water  to  the  gang,  during  the  hot 
hours;  but  when  they  became  apprentices,  these  privi 
leges  were  taken  away.  Each  slave  was  obliged  to  quit 
his  or  her  work  to  go  to  his  own  cabin  (sometimes  a  great 
distance)  to  cook  their  meals,  instead  of  having  them 
served  in  the  field;  water  was  not  allowed  them;  the 
aged  and  infirm,  instead  of  being  employed  as  formerly, 
to  superintend  the  children  in  the  shade,  were  driven  to 
labor  in  the  hot  sun,  and  mothers  were  obliged  to  toil  at 
the  hoe  with  their  infants  strapped  at  their  backs.  In 
addition  to  this,  the  planters  obtained  from  the  governor 
a  new  proclamation,  requiring  the  apprentices  to  labor 
extra  hours  for  their  masters,  when  they  should  deem  it 
necessary  in  the  cultivation,  gathering,  or  manufacture  of 
the  crop,  provided  they  repaid  them  an  equal  time  "  at  a 
convenient  season  of  the  year."  This  was  like  taking 
from  a  New-England  farmer  the  month  of  July  to  be  re 
paid  in  January.  Under  these  petty  vexations,  and  unjust 
exactions,  some  of  the  apprentices  stopt  work  in  three  of 
the  colonies,  out  of  seventeen.  But  even  in  these  three, 
their  resistance  was  merely  passive.  THE  WORST  ENE 
MIES  OF  ABOLITION  HAVE  NOT  YET  BEEN  ABLE  TO  SHOW 
THAT  A  SINGLE  DROP  OF  BLOOD  HAS  BEEN  SHED,  OR  A  SINGLE 
PLANTATION  FIRED,  IN  CONSEQUENCE  OF  EMANCIPATION, 
IN  ALL  THE  BRITISH  WEST  INDIES  ! 

In  Jamaica  they  refused  to  work  upon  the  terms  which 
their  masters  endeavored  to  impose.  A  very  small  mili 
tary  force  was  sent  into  one  parish,  and  but  on  one  occa 
sion.  Not  a  drop  of  blood  was  shed  on  either  side. 

In  Demarara  they  refused  to  work  on  the  prescribed 
terms,  and  marched  about  with  a  flagstaff,  as  "the  ten 
hour  men  "  have  done  in  many  of  our  cities.  But  the 
worst  thing  they  did  was  to  strike  a  constable  with  their 
fists. 

In  St.  Christopher's  the  resistance  was  likewise  entirely 
passive.  In  two  weeks  the  whole  trouble  was  at  an  end; 
and  it  was  ascertained  that,  out  of  twenty  thousand  ap 
prentices,  only  thirty  were  absent  from  work;  and  some 
of  these  were  supposed  to  be  dead  in  the  woods. 

One  apprentice,  executed  in  Demarara  for  insubordina 
tion,  is  the  only  life  that  has  yet  been  lost  in  this  great 
experiment!  and  a  few  fisty  cuffs  with  a  constable,  on 
one  single  occasion,  has  been  the  only  violence  offered 


19 

to  persons  or  property,  by  eight  hundred  thousand  eman 
cipated  slaves. 

Antigua  and  Bermuda  did  not  try  the  apprenticeship 
system;  but  at  once  gave  the  slaves  the  stimulus  of  wages. 
In  those  islands  not  the  slightest  difficulties  have  occurred. 
The  journals  of  Antigua  say  :"  The  great  doubt  is  solv 
ed;  and  the  highest  hopes  of  the  negroes'  friends  are 
fulfilled.  Thirty  thousand  men  have  passed  from  slavery 
into  freedom,  not  only  without  the  slightest  irregularity, 
but  with  the  solemn  and  decorous  tranquillity  of  a  Sab 
bath!  " 

In  Antigua,  there  were  2,000  whites,  30,000  slaves, 
and  4,500  free  blacks  in  1836. 

Antigua  and  St.  Christopher  are  within  gunshot  of 
each  other;  both  are  sugar  growing  colonies;  and  the 
proportion  of  blacks  is  less  in  St.  Christopher  than  it  is 
in  Antigua:  yet  the  former  island  has  had  some  difficulty 
with  the  gradual  system,  while  the  quiet  of  the  latter  has 
not  been  disturbed  for  one  hour  by  immediate  emancipation. 
Do  not  these  facts  speak  volumes? 

There  are,  in  the  West  Indies,  many  men  (planters, 
overseers,  drivers,  and  book-keepers),  who,  from  pride, 
licentiousness,  and  other  motives,  do  not  like  a  change 
which  takes  away  from  them  uncontrolled  power  over 
men  and  women.  These  individuals  try  to  create  diffi 
culties,  and  exaggerate  the  report  of  them.  It  is  much 
to  be  regretted  that  the  American  press  has  hitherto  pre 
ferred  their  distorted  stories,  unsubstantiated  by  a  particle 
of  proof,  to  the  well-authenticated  evidence  of  magistrates 
and  missionaries  resident  on  the  islands. 

Why  are  the  friends  of  slavery  so  desirous  to  make  it 
appear  that  the  British  experiment  does  not  work  well? 
It  is  because  they  are  conscious  that  if  it  does  work  well, 
America  has  no  excuse  left  to  screen  her  from  the  strong 
disapprobation  of  the  civilized  world. 


Our    Countrymen    in    Chains ! 


BY    JOHN    G.    WHITTIER. 

"  The  despotism  which  our  fathers  could  not  bear  in  their  native  country  is 
expiring,  and  the  sword  of  justice  in  her  reformed  hands  has  applied  its  exter 
minating  edge  to  slavery.  Shall  the  United  States, — the  free  United  States, — 
which  could  not  bear  the  bonds  of  a  king,  cradle  the  bondage  which  a  king  is 
abolishing?  Shall  a  republic  be  less  free  than  a  monarchy.'1  Shall  we,  in  the 
vigor  and  buoyancy  of  our  manhood,  be  less  energetic  in  righteousness  than  a 
kingdom  in  its  age  ?  " — Dr.  Fallen's  Address. 

"  Genius  of  America!  Spirit  of  our  free  institutions  !  where  art  thou  ?  How 
art  thou  fallen,  O  Lucifer,  son  of  the  morning — how  art  thou  fallen  from  heav 
en  !  Hell  from  beneath  is  moved  for  thee,  to  meet  thee  at  thy  coming  !  The 
kings  of  the  earth  cry  out  to  thee,  Aha !  Aha  !  art  thou  become  like  unto  u«  ?  " 
—Speech  of  Rev.  S.  J.  May. 

OUR  fellow-countrymen  in  chains! 

Slaves — in  a  land  of  light  and  law! 
Slaves — crouching  on  the  very  plains 

Where  rolled  the  storm  of  freedom's  war! 
A  groan  from  Eutaw's  haunted  wood — 

A  wail  where  Camden's  martyrs  fell — 
By  every  shrine  of  patriot  blood, 

From  Moultrie's  wall  and  Jasper's  well! 

By  storied  hill  and  hallowed  grot, 

By  mo.ssy  wood  and  marshy  glen, 
Whence  rang  of  old  the  rifle  shot, 

And  hurrying  shout  of  Marion's  men! — 
The  groan  of  breaking  hearts  is  there — 

The  falling  lash — the  fetter's  clank! 
Slaves — SLAVES,  are  breathing  in  that  air 

Which  old  De  Kalb  and  Sumpter  drank! 

What  ho! — our  countrymen  in  chains  ! 

The  whip  on  woman's  shrinking  flesh! 
Our  soil  yet  reddening  with  the  stains, 

Caught  from  her  scourging,  warm  and  fresh! 
What!  mothers  from  their  children  riven! 

What!  God's  own  image  bought  and  sold! 
Americans  to  market  driven, 

And  bartered  as  the  brute  for  gold  ! 


21 

Speak ! — Shall  their  agony  of  prayer 

Come  thrilling  to  our  hearts  in  vain?* 
To  us — whose  fathers  scorned  to  bear 

The  paltry  menace  of  a  chain; 
To  us-  whose  boast  is  loud  and  long 

Of  holy  liberty  and  light, — 
Say,  shall  these  writhing  slaves  of  wrong 

Plead  vainly  for  their  plundered  right? 

What! — Shall  we  send,  with  lavish  breath, 

Our  sympathies  across  the  wave, 
Where  manhood,  on  the  field  of  death, 

Strikes  for  his  freedom,  or  a  grave? — 
Shall  prayers  go  up — and  hymns  be  sung 

For  Greece,  the  Moslem  fetter  spurning — 
And  millions  hail,  with  pen  and  tongue, 

Our  light  on  all  her  altars  burning? 

Shall  Belgium  feel,  and  gallant  France, 

By  Vendome's  pile  and  Schoenbrun's  wall, 
And  Poland,  gasping  on  her  lance, 

The  impulse  of  our  cheering  call  ! 
And  shall  the  slave,  beneath  our  eye, 

Clank  o'er  our  fields  his  hateful  chain? 
And  toss  his  fettered  arm  on  high, 

And  groan  for  freedom's  gift,  in  vain  ! 

O  say,  shall  Prussia's  banner  be 

A  refuge  for  the  stricken  slave? 
And  shall  the  Russian  serf  go  free, 

By  Baikal's  lake  and  Neva's  wave? 
And  shall  the  wintry-bosomed  Dane 

Relax  the  iron  hand  of  pride, 
And  bid  his  bond  nen  cast  the  chain 

From  fettered  soul  and  limb,  aside? 

Shall  every  flap  of  England's  flag 
Proclaim  that  all  around  are  free, 

From  "  farthest  Ind  "  to  each  blue  crag 
That  beetles  o'er  the  Western  Sea? 


*  "An  inquiry  having  been  made  by  an  honorable  gentleman  from  Massachu 
setts  (Mr.  ADAMS),  whether  a  paper  which  he  held  in  his  hand,  purporting  to 
be  a  petition  from  certain  slaves,  and  declaring  themselves  slaves,  came  within 
the  order  of  the  House  of  the  18th  of  January,  and  the  said  paper  not  having 
been  received  by  the  Speaker,  he  stated,  that  in  a  case  so  extraordinary  and 
novel,  he  would  take  the  advice  and  counsel  of  the  House. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  cannot  receive  the  said  petition,  without  disregard 
ing  its  own  dignity,  the  rights  of  a  large  class  of  citizens  of  the  South  and  the 
West,  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.— Adopted.  Yeas,  160;  nays, 
'35. 

Resolved,  That  slaves  do  not  possess  the  right  of  petition  secured  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States  by  the  ConstitutionT — Adopted.  Yeas,  162;  nays,  18." 
— CONGRESS,  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  Feb.  11,1837. 


22 

And  shall  we  scoff  at  Europe's  kings, 
When  Freedom's  fire  is  dim  with  us, 

And  round  our  country's  altar  clings 
The  damning  shade  of  Slavery's  curse? 

Go — let  us  ask  of  Constantino 

To  loose  his  grasp  on  Poland's  throat, — 
And  beg  the  lord  of  Mahmoud's  line 

To  spare  the  struggling  Suliote. 
Will  not  the  scorching  answer  come, 

From  turbaned  Turk,  and  fiery  Russ, — 
"  Go, — loose  your  fettered  slaves  at  home, 

Then  turn  and  ask  the  like  of  us  !  " 


Just  God  !  and  shall  we  calmly  rest, — 

The  Christian's  scorn — the  heathen's  mirth,- 
Content  to  live  the  lingering  jest 

And  by-word  of  a  mocking  earth? 
Shall  our  own  glorious  land  retain 

That  curse,  which  Europe  scorns  to  bear? 
Shall  our  own  brethren  drag  the  chain, 

Which  riot  even  Russia's  menials  wear? 

Up,  then,  in  Freedom's  manly  part, 

From  gray-beard  eld  to  fiery  youth, 
And  on  the  nation's  naked  heart 

Scatter  the  living  coals  of  Truth. 
Up — whiie  ye  slumber,  deeper  yet 

The  shadow  of  our  fame  is  growing  ; 
Up — while  ye  pause,  our  sun  may  set 

In  blood,  around  our  altars  flowing  ! 

O,  rouse  ye — ere  the  storm  comes  forth, — 

The  gathered  wrath  of  God  and  man, — 
Like  that  which  wasted  Egypt's  earth, 

When  hail  and  fire  above  it  ran. 
Hear  ye  no  warnings  in  the  air? 

Feel  ye  no  earthquake  underneath? 
Up — up — why  will  ye  slumber  where 

The  sleeper  only  wakes  in  death  ? 

Up  now  for  Freedom! — not  in  strife, 

Like  that  your  sterner  fathers  saw  ; 
The  awful  waste  of  human  life, — 

The  glory  and  the  guilt  of  war; 
But  break  the  chain — the  yoke  remove, 

And  smite  to  earth  Oppression's  rod, 
With  those  mild  arms  of  Truth  and  Love, 

Made  mighty  through  the  living  God  ! 


Prone  let  the  shrine  of  Moloch  sink, 

And  leave  no  traces  where  it  stood; 
Nor  longer  let  its  idol  drink 

His  daily  cup  of  human  blood  ; 
But  rear  another  altar  there, 

To  Truth  and  Love  and  Mercy  given, 
And  Freedom's  gift  and  Freedom's  prayer 

Shall  call  an  answer  down  from  Heaven  ! 


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